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缺乏人文知识的滋养 工科生容易成为恐怖分子

已有 293 次阅读2016-3-28 02:27 |个人分类:政治 法律| 工程师, 职业


缺乏人文知识的滋养  工科生易成为恐怖分子


     风萧萧 2016年3月27日 于加拿大

   有报道,工科生容易成为恐怖分子。
   我认为,根本原因在于缺乏人文知识的滋养,缺少判断事物的理性参照。某种宗教产生较多恐怖分子,也是该原因。Alpha Go
   最有力的证明就是机器人阿尔法 Alpha Go 战胜李世石,那不是机器人思维能力已经超过人类,而是由于输入的现有棋手对弈棋局的涵盖范围的广泛, 让机器人有足够的参照。   
   经验的积累就是智慧。
   智者的智慧来自知识面的广泛。
   与机器人没有太大的不同,在对具体事物进行是与非的判断时,人类也需要足够的经验作为参照。
   智者就是那些富于智慧的人。

   下面是有关文章的链接。

   工程师——最有潜质成为恐怖分子质的职业

   Engineers of Jihad: The Curious Connection between Violent Extremism and Education

    At least FIFTY ISIS supporters working at Brussels airport

  The officers said they had raised suspicions about certain staff members including those who apparently celebrated after the Paris attacks in November that killed 130 people. ‘When we checked these people, we were surprised more than once. It was men with a radical ideology and a long police history,’ the officers continued. ‘Even today, there are at least 50 supporters of the Islamic state who work at the airport. They have a security badge and have access to the cockpit of a plane.

         

工程师——最有潜质成为恐怖分子质的职业

萧四无 发表于  2010-10-26 02:37

社会学家Diego Gambetta 和Steffen Hertog两人最近发布在slate(全文在 这里 )的一项研究表明,相较于金融行业,医药行业和科学研究,工程师这个职业更易成为暴力的恐怖分子,这个几率居然高达三倍以上。

有人问了,为啥这么高呢?工程师干嘛要转行做恐怖分子啊?

这个假说是这么解释的,许多阿拉伯国家工程师面临失业,而且工程师有他们特有的职业思维方式——他们不屑于妥协和折中,这是造成这个现象的罪魁祸首。

恐怖分子里为什么多工科生?

彭渤

2016-03-28 08:37 来自 思想市场

字号
      恐怖分子里为什么多工科生?
      2010年5月,费萨尔•沙赫扎德在将他的日产探路者停靠在纽约时代广场附近时,企图用简易炸弹杀死数十名行人。四个月前,奥马尔•法鲁克•阿卜杜勒穆塔拉试图点燃缝入他内衣中的炸药,将携带289名乘客的跨大西洋飞机炸掉。去年,穆罕默德•优素福阿卜•杜勒阿齐兹对田纳西州两个军事设施开火,杀死了5名士兵。
      像哈立德•谢赫•穆罕默德、阿扎哈里•胡辛以及穆罕默德•阿塔等著名的暴恐分子一样,这些人企图以伊斯兰的名义行使恐怖行为,但除此之外,这六人还有一个共同点:他们都是工科生。

      研究者很久就发现,大量的“圣战士”有工科背景。最近,美国《高等教育纪事报》披露了社会科学家Diego Gambetta和Steffen Hertog对近五百名恐怖分子的研究,他们发现,接受过高等教育的207人当中,近半学的是工程专业。而美俄极右翼中的工程师占比也颇客观。
在一本名为《圣战的工程师们:暴力极端主义与教育的奇怪关系》(Engineers of Jihad: The Curious Connection Between Violent Extremism and Education)的新书中,Diego Gambetta和Steffen Hertog问道:恐怖分子里为什么多工科生?是因为工程专业招生失当,还是工程教育加重学生极端主义倾向,或者这奇怪关联只是一个凑巧而已?
      有人质疑两人的结论,也有人认为,工科学生多一点也不奇怪,因为他们具有很强的动手能力,对恐怖组织有用。但是Gambetta和Hertog两人调查发现,这种说法也难以成立:在与工科生有关的228起暴恐事件中,绝大数工程师都是作为组织头目,而亲手制作炸弹的,只有寥寥15例。
      称赞二人研究的也大有人在,有人认为,这项研究为恐怖主义的起因提供了细微的观察:从前人们通常认为是出身贫寒的人容易有恐怖主义倾向,但这几有证据。波士顿大学的Jessica Stern认为,这本书细化了2014年一篇名为《远大前程与艰难时代》(Great Expectations and Hard Times,作者Sarah Brockhoff)的论文的论断,后者认为,当建制完善、经济活跃时,教育可以减少恐怖主义,而当社会混乱时,教育则会助长暴力极端主义。
      那么,为什么是工科呢?
      两人提供了一种社会学的解释,认为发展中国家的工程师们面对一种“相对剥夺感”的情况,即一方面享受较高的社会地位,一方面在停滞的经济中工作却处处受限,这让他们沮丧。
      第二种解释来自心理学。两位研究者还发现,工程专业的学科设置中,到处都在展示西方的先进技术,在发展中国家,这种展示时常会带来羞辱的感觉。而工科生少与人文学科和社会科学的学生接触,减少了他们接受其他人观点的机会。
      很自然地,这本书惹恼了不少理工科教授:你们什么都不懂的白痴就尽扯这些软科学!不过也有教授说,这种质问挺有价值,哪怕答案令人尴尬。
      马克思主义大咖的档案馆将被关闭?
      据英国左翼出版商Verso报道,近日,匈牙利政府声称将关闭格奥尔格•卢卡奇档案馆,这个消息让任何了解卢卡奇在知识分子左翼政治运动中的地位的人感到震惊。网上于是掀起请愿运动,希望匈牙利政府能保持档案馆开放。
      格奥尔格•卢卡奇( Szegedi Lukács György Bernát,1885-1971),是匈牙利著名的哲学家和文学批评家,并将物化和阶级意识引入马克思主义哲学和理论,是当代影响最大、争议最多的马克思主义评论家和哲学家之一。

      到目前为止,该请愿书已经吸引了近9000个签名。请愿书写道:“我们,以下签名者,希望表达我们对于匈牙利科学院关停位于布达佩斯的卢卡奇档案馆的最深切忧虑。卢卡奇是20世纪重要的哲学家,在政治思想、文学、社会学、伦理学等领域都是国际知名的理论家,卢卡奇是匈牙利文明史的思想山峰之一,他的作品构成了人类的珍宝的一部分。几十年来,卢卡奇档案馆使得学术和非学术圈有机会获得有关这位哲学家的生活和专业成就的档案。由于它同时位于哲学家晚年的家中,它也成为一个纪念地,为我们的时代增添个性。基于上述原因,我们呼吁主管当局重新考虑该决定,它让国际上的科学与艺术组织感到惊愕与悲痛。”
      卢卡奇档案馆的命运似乎反映了马克思主义在当代的尴尬命运。苏东剧变后,共产主义时代的遗产变成东欧各国的烫手山芋。如今匈牙利右翼当政,去年,政府总理维克托•欧尔班即发表讲话,称要“与自由民主决裂”,震惊了西方世界。
      左翼教条主义、克里斯玛权威和无知民众
      菲力克斯•伯恩斯坦(Felix Bernstein)是1992年出生的一名年轻行为艺术表演者和文化批评家,在今年最新一期逻各斯杂志(Logos)上,他发表了《左翼教条主义、克里斯玛权威和无知民众》(Left Dogmatism, Charismatic Authority, and the Uninitiated)一文,对今日所谓“克里斯玛权威”进行猛烈攻击。
伯恩斯坦说,今天的克里斯玛权威宣称“外在”于资本主义锁链之外,同时却在玩资本主义的现实政治游戏,表现出解构和批评体制的样子,口口声声为了无私的乌托邦理想。这个“外来者”闯入官僚世界,宣称它处于紧急状态,然后提出自己的解决办法。比较好的例子是齐泽克,他在1980年代作为斯洛文尼亚人进入美国大学后,声称比美国人更清楚地了解美国文化,作为非正统的拉康主义者,他也比拉康主义者更清楚地了解拉康,他揭示出克里斯玛权威原型在当今激进西方左派中发挥作用的方式。
克里斯玛权威无需实现其提出的乌托邦理想照样可以实现获取金钱、名誉和权力的渴望。同样,他们并不必须在共产主义国家生活,照样可获得其领袖的各种特权。为了获得克里斯玛权威被看重的“战利品”,你必须做的不过是在言语上抗议亵渎神灵的、理性的、官僚的、传统的、家长制的、世袭统治而已。人们无需真正改变它。
不是促成激进的或减缓的变化,克里斯玛权威只要煽动愤怒的青年采取狂热行动就算取得了胜利,这种狂热最后变成“理所应当的”暴力,即巴丢(Badiou)幼稚地称为“事件”(激烈打破现状)。
齐泽克仍然困于西方政治的真空中,这个真空源于传统权威的崩塌(封建的、农村的、宗教的、家长制的),造成了不是在功能层次上竞争却在修辞层次上竞争的随意性话语占支配地位。
对那些寻求克里斯玛领袖统治的人来说,不知情的孩子就像等待被雕刻成理想的柏拉图形式的其他懒惰民众一样容易上当受骗。或者如墨索里尼所说,“一切都取决于像艺术家一样掌握群众。”自由教育提供的不过是陪衬,教师的“指导之手”仍然被掩盖了起来。
不幸的是,在美国自由教育市场上,人们能够轻易购买到“实践”模式或“训练”模式。两者能结合起来,学生在阅读了美国著名文学指南网站Spark Notes之后经受批评教育学家保罗•弗莱雷(Paolo Friere)的考验。人们没完没了地尝试要把课堂转变成更具创造性的、更好玩的、更全面和更安全的课堂。但是,真正赢得胜利的是通过学生快乐的量化统计数据和毕业后收入的数据为学校排名的心态。
具有讽刺意味的是,美国一些最具竞争性和最昂贵的学校之所以在全球受到追捧就是因为这些学校是让人冷静下来而非激烈竞争之地,有些最不快乐的学校之所以受追到捧却是因为培养出了大量富豪。但是,在所有文科院校的推销手册中,我们看到学生生活在悠闲的梦乡,就像在卢梭的爱弥儿树林中悠闲地散步。即使被揭露出来之后,指导之手仍然被掩盖起来……

‘Engineers of Jihad: The Curious Connection between Violent Extremism and Education’

 by Diego Gambetta and Steffen Hertog


Observers of political Islam — including myself — have long noted that Islamist movements seeking power in Muslim majority countries tend to be dominated by students of applied sciences such an engineering rather than graduates in law, humanities and the “softer” social sciences. In Engineers of Jihad, Diego Gambetta, a sociologist and authority on suicide missions, and Steffen Hertog, a political scientist, combine their skills to support such broad-brush insights with an impressive underpinning of data backed by a galaxy of charts and graphs.

After examining the educational backgrounds of Islamist activists, both violent and non-violent, in Muslim majority countries, as well as militants born or raised in western countries, they find a “massive overrepresentation” of engineers relative to their weight in the broader working population. As the authors explain, “the odds on finding an engineer in [our] sample is seventeen times greater than what we would expect if engineers were as likely to radicalise as the male adult population in general”. Medical doctors are also over-represented by as much as 10 times above the norm.

In two chapters, the authors explore the possibility that engineers may be drawn to Islamism because they are subject to feelings of “relative deprivation” resulting from the absence of engineering opportunities. Engineers in Muslim majority countries, like doctors, tend to enjoy high social status, and the combination of high aspirations with low achievement can be radicalising. The time when engineers rose to prominence in the Islamist movements in the Middle East and north Africa coincided with the period, from the late 1970s, when economic development ground to a halt and engineers “fell from the highest perch in terms of expectations and formed or joined Islamist movements that in previous decades had been led by lower-status graduates”. The economic downturn led to feelings of being “unjustly deprived of a status for which they and their families [had] worked hard and sacrificed, and to which they felt entitled to aspire”, as well as to grander ideas of proving their worth in shaping their countries’ futures.

The theory of thwarted aspiration is supported by data from Saudi Arabia, an exception to the general pattern, where a booming private sector and hydrocarbon economy offered a wealth of engineering opportunities. Here the jihadi movements tended to attract graduates from less prestigious disciplines with lower admission requirements. But relative deprivation, argue Gambetta and Hertog, cannot be the whole story. For as the authors discovered, engineers continue to be vastly over-represented among radical Islamists in both western and South Asian countries, despite not being exposed to the same professional predicament as their peers in the Middle East. In an intriguing analysis showing that engineers feature more prominently in smaller than in larger jihadist groups, the authors argue that the over-representation of engineers is not driven by recruitment bias, such as the need for engineering skills in planning and executing terrorist operations, but is “supply driven”. Rather than being targeted by recruiters, engineers elect to join jihadi movements out of conviction. Furthermore, once radicalised, they “seem more likely to be drawn to violent groups”.

How do we explain this phenomenon? In their penultimate chapter the authors produce data showing that leftwing radicals such as the Baader-Meinhof group in Germany, the Red Brigades in Italy and Marx-inspired groups in the Americas as well as South Asia have tended towards the humanities, social sciences and mathematics, with a striking paucity of engineers. By contrast engineers, as well as lawyers, have been much more prominent in rightwing movements, including German, Austrian as well as Russian neo-Nazis. The authors’ conclusion that “engineers are more prominent among the right than among the left” in contemporary politics aligns with evidence they find that engineers were more ideologically committed than the lawyers who joined the Nazi elite in the early years of the Third Reich.

The authors conclude that ‘engineers are more prominent among the right than among the left’

The final chapter speculates on the cognitive and emotional traits shared by Islamists and adherents of other rightwing movements. Students of the humanities, like those of the “pure sciences”, tend to have “more sophisticated and less closed views of knowledge than do students in engineering . . . Scientists learn to ask questions, while engineering students, like followers of text-based religions, rely more strongly on answers that have already been given”. Engineering students from all backgrounds, they suggest, share a more rigid outlook than students of science and humanities. Intolerant of ambiguity, they show a preference for authoritarian systems and have more simplistic views about how the status quo can be changed. Far from them being more “religious” than other Muslims, it seems that it is the Islamist vision of a “corporatist, mechanistic and hierarchical” social order, combined with “well-regulated daily routines” that attracts them, and accounts for their over-representation.

This is an important study. While its conclusions are less surprising than the authors claim, the wealth of statistical data they bring to bear provides what was once a hypothesis with solid empirical grounding. Let us hope that, armed with this knowledge, educators will stress the importance of recognising the ambiguities in religious texts.

Malise Ruthven is author of ‘Islam in the World’ (OUP) and ‘Encounters with Islam’ (IB Tauris)

Engineers of Jihad: The Curious Connection between Violent Extremism and Education, by Diego Gambetta and Steffen Hertog, Princeton, RRP£19.95/RRP$29.95, 208 pages

Build-a-Bomber

Why do so many terrorists have engineering degrees?

Illustration by Robert Neubecker. Click image to expand.

Engineering is not a profession most people associate with religion. The concrete trade of buildings and bridges seems grounded in the secular principles of science. But the failed attack this Christmas by mechanical engineer Umar Farouk Abdulmutallab was a reminder that the combination has a long history of producing violent radicals.

The anecdotal evidence has always been strong. The mastermind of the 9/11 attacks, Mohamed Atta, was an architectural engineer. Khalid Sheikh Mohamed got his degree in mechanical engineering. Two of the three founders of Lashkar-e-Taibi, the group believed to be behind the Mumbai attacks, were professors at the University of Engineering and Technology in Lahore.

paper (PDF) released this summer by two sociologists, Diego Gambetta and Steffen Hertog, adds empirical evidence to this observation. The pair looked at more than 400 radical Islamic terrorists from more than 30 nations in the Middle East and Africa born mostly between the 1950s and 1970s. Earlier studies had shown that terrorists tend to be wealthier and better-educated than their countrymen, but Gambetta and Hertog found that engineers, in particular, were three to four times more likely to become violent terrorists than their peers in finance, medicine or the sciences. The next most radicalizing graduate degree, in a distant second, was Islamic Studies.

So what's with all the terrorist-engineers? The simple explanation is that engineering happens to be an especially popular field of study in the countries that produce violent radicals. But Gambetta and Hertog corrected for national enrollment numbers in engineering programs and got similar results. Even among Islamic terrorists born or raised in the West, nearly 60 percent had engineering backgrounds.

Another possible explanation would be that engineers possess technical skills and architectural know-how that makes them attractive recruits for terrorist organizations. But the recent study found that engineers are just as likely to hold leadership roles within these organizations as they are to be working hands-on with explosives. In any case, their technical expertise may not be that useful, since most of the methods employed in terrorist attacks are rudimentary. It's true that eight of the 25 hijackers on 9/11 were engineers, but it was their experience with box cutters and flight school, not fancy degrees, that counted in the end.

Gambetta and Hertog propose that a lack of appropriate jobs in their home countries may have radicalized some engineers in Arab countries. The graduates they studied came of age at a time when a degree from a competitive technical program was supposed to provide a guarantee of high-status employment. But the promises of modernization and development were often stymied by repression and corruption, and many young engineers in the 1980s were left jobless and frustrated. One exception was Saudi Arabia, where engineers had little trouble finding work in an ever-expanding economy. As it happens, Saudi Arabia is also the only Arab state where the study found that engineers are not disproportionately represented in the radical movement.

What else might account for the radical, violent politics of so many former engineering students? Is there some set of traits that makes engineers more likely to participate in acts of terrorism? To answer this question, Gambetta and Hertog updated a study that was first published in 1972, when a pair of researchers named Seymour Lipset and Carl Ladd surveyed the ideological bent of their fellow American academics. According to the original paper, engineers described themselves as "strongly conservative" and "deeply religious" more often than professors in any other field. Gambetta and Hertog repeated this analysis for data gathered in 1984, so it might better match up with their terrorist sample. They found similar results, with 46 percent of the (male American) engineers describing themselves as both conservative and religious, compared with 22 percent of scientists.

Gambetta and Hertog write about a particular mind-set among engineers that disdains ambiguity and compromise. They might be more passionate about bringing order to their society and see the rigid, religious law put forward in radical Islam as the best way of achieving those goals. In online postings, Abdulmutallab expressed concern over the conflict between his secular lifestyle and more extreme religious views. "How should one put the balance right?" he wrote.

Terrorist organizations seem to have recognized this proclivity—in Abdulmutallab, obviously, but also among engineers in general. A 2005 report from British intelligence noted that Islamic extremists were frequenting college campuses, looking for "inquisitive" students who might be susceptible to their message. In particular, the report noted, they targeted engineers.

Powerful Before and After Photos Show Just How Much ISIS Destroyed Palmyra

By Daniel Politi

http://www.slate.com/blogs/browbeat/2016/04/02/don_t_call_hamburger_helper_s_mixtape_a_comeback.html

518421242-general-view-taken-on-march-31-2016-shows-a

A general view taken on March 31, 2016 shows a photographer holding his picture of the Temple of Bel taken on March 14, 2014 in front of the remains of the historic temple after it was destroyed by Islamic State (IS) group jihadists in September 2015 in the ancient Syrian city of Palmyra.

JOSEPH EID/AFP/Getty Images

Joseph Eid, a photographer for AFP news agency, went to the Syrian city of Palmyra after it was recaptured from ISIS. Rather than simply take photos of the ancient city as it is now, he carried photos that he had snapped two years ago to try to recreate the images. The results put on stark display just how much damage ISIS did to the world-famous city.

Syria’s antiquities director, Mamoun Abdulkarim, had sounded an optimistic note on Palmyra’s ruins, saying they were in better shape than expected. But he also said it would likely take as long as five years to restore them, and some things have been lost forever. “Of course the Temple of Bel will never be the same. According to our experts, we will definitely be able to restore a third of the destroyed cella, or maybe even more if we carry out additional studies with UNESCO’s help,” Abdulkarim said. “I invite archaeologists and experts everywhere to come work with us because this site is part of the heritage of all humanity.”

Daniel Politi has been contributing to Slate since 2004 and wrote the "Today's Papers" column from 2006 to 2009. You can follow him on Twitter@dpoliti.


Charlie Hebdo: Acceptance of Practicing Muslims in Society Contributes to Terrorism

By Daniel Politi

503572300-woman-looks-at-the-special-commemorative-edition-of

A woman looks at the special commemorative edition of French satirical newspaper Charlie Hebdo at a newsstand in Paris, on January 6, 2016, to mark the one-year anniversary of the jihadist attack that claimed the lives of 12 people, including three of its best-known cartoonists.

Photo by JACQUES DEMARTHON/AFP/Getty Images

Satirical French publication Charlie Hebdo is coming under fire for an English-language editorial that seems to at least partly blame practicing, and peaceful, Muslims for terrorist attacks. A little more than a week after 16 people were killed in Brussels, the newspaper wonders, “How did we end up here?” The newspaper that suffered a terrorist attack of its own last year says that “the attacks are merely the visible part of a very large iceberg indeed. They are the last phase of a process of cowing and silencing long in motion and on the widest possible scale.”

To make its point, Charlie Hebdo uses three examples: Tariq Ramadan, an Islamic scholar, a nameless woman in a burqa and a baker who is a Muslim. Ramadaan, who, incidentallycondemned the attack against Charlie, has devoted his life to defending Islam. “His task, under cover of debate, is to dissuade people criticizing his religion in any way,” notes the editorial. He effectively makes “little dent[s]” in secularism by imposing “a fear of criticising lest they appear Islamophobic.” The editorial then goes on to sarcastically dismiss concerns that a woman wearing a burqa may be hiding a bomb. And finally there is the baker who stops selling ham and everyone simply shrugs and accepts it because “there are plenty of other options on offer.”

The editorial then goes on to mention the Brussels attackers, noting that while no one in the three examples really did anything wrong, the terrorist attack can’t happen “without everyone’s contribution.” The enforced silence to not criticize someone who is different or holds different beliefs means that “it is secularism which is being forced into retreat.” The editorial concludes:

The first task of the guilty is to blame the innocent. It's an almost perfect inversion of culpability. From the bakery that forbids you to eat what you like, to the woman who forbids you to admit that you are troubled by her veil, we are submerged in guilt for permitting ourselves such thoughts. And that is where and when fear has started its sapping, undermining work. And the way is marked for all that will follow.

Criticism of the editorial came fast and furious on Twitter.

Writer Teju Cole took to Facebook to write what is perhaps the most extensive, and reasoned, criticism of the editorial, saying “the people of Charlie … finally step away from the mask of ‘it's satire and you don't get it’ to state clearly that Muslims, all of them, no matter how integrated, are the enemy.” Charlie seems to want to defend “the wish to discriminate freely against Muslims without having to be called out on it” and somehow characterizing the whole exercise as brave and speaking truth to power. “This is precisely the logic also of the masses who praise Trump for his ‘honesty’—as though only ugliness could be honest, as though moral incontinence were any more noble than physical incontinence,” writes Cole.

Charlie had already come under fire this past week for its front page about the Brussels attacks.

Daniel Politi has been contributing to Slate since 2004 and wrote the "Today's Papers" column from 2006 to 2009. You can follow him on Twitter@dpoliti.

 


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