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The Gov-policies of Australia on tobacco smokers and asylum seekers

已有 433 次阅读2016-11-17 06:40 |个人分类:澳大利亚


Australian tobacco consumption fell 2.9% in quarter and 12.2% over the year two years after plain-packaging legislation came into effect

Australia hails plain packaging on tobacco

Measure meets health objectives and deters young from taking up smoking, says review


 


When Australia introduced plain packaging for tobacco products in December 2012, the industry funded an advertising campaign warning that smuggling would shoot up, retailers would go broke and the government would have to pay out millions in damages.

A little more three years later, and on the eve of the introduction in the UK of non-branded packs carrying prominent health warnings, Australia says the plain packaging experiment is working well.

“The measure has begun to achieve its public health objectives of reducing smoking and exposure to tobacco smoke in Australia and it is expected to continue to do so into the future,” concluded the government’s post-implementation report published in February.

The review said plain packaging and the enlarging of graphic health warnings on packs resulted in a “statistically significant” decline in smoking prevalence of 0.55 percentage points.

It accounted for a quarter of the 2.2-point decline in average smoking rates among Australians from 19.4 per cent to 17.2 per cent between the 34 months before plain packaging’s introduction and the 34 months afterwards.

“This reduction alone would result in at least 118,000 fewer smokers,” said Mike Daube, professor of health policy at Curtin University. But plain packaging was never seen as a magic bullet to stop people smoking, he added. Rather it was intended to deter young people from taking it up in the first place.

The report cited several studies that claim plain packaging is having a positive impact — reducing the appeal of tobacco products and the potential for packaging to mislead people, and enhancing the effectiveness of the health warnings.

It also references a big drop in consumption of tobacco products, down more than 20 per cent between the end of December 2012 and December 2015, while acknowledging limitations in the data and the short time that has passed since plain packaging has been in force.

The big tobacco companies and lobbyists dispute the findings of the government’s review, saying the evidence suggests smoking prevalence rates have not deviated from a historical downward trend.

Big tobacco has commissioned research that contradicts the findings of the review and is funding the Dominican Republic’s legal challenge to plain packaging at the World Trade Organisation. This challenge says the plain packaging measures “do not and will not change smoking behaviour in Australia”.

British American Tobacco said: “Australia remains the only country to date to have introduced plain packaging — and despite three years’ worth of data, is still no closer to demonstrating that plain packaging works to reduce smoking levels.

“Governments are ignoring the evidence that it does not work to reduce smoking levels — and this is why we are challenging the policy in the UK in the High Court of England and Wales.”

Plain packaging in the UK is due to come into effect on May 20, with the High Court set to rule on the legal challenge two days earlier.

The UK, France and Ireland have passed legislation to introduce plain packaging on May 20.

Dr Tasneem Chipty, who wrote the report, said smoking had indeed been falling in Australia for some time but added that the decline she had measured took this into account and was “beyond historical trend”.

“Suggestions … that the observed decline in smoking prevalence would have happened anyway, in the absence of plain packaging, are simply false,” she said.

So far the tobacco industry has lost challenges to Australia’s plain packaging law in the courts.

The last big hurdle for the law is the WTO, which is hearing complaints from Indonesia, the Dominican Republic, Honduras and Cuba. Those countries claim plain packaging violates WTO agreements by creating an unnecessary barrier to trade and by impeding the use of trademarks.

Tobacco companies also argue there is no evidence to suggest a link between the appeal of packs and smoking rates. They attribute any fall-off in tobacco consumption in Australia since December 2012 to increases in excise duty and other health education policies.

They also cite a KPMG study funded by the tobacco industry showing the consumption of illicit tobacco in Australia has risen to 14 per cent of the overall market from 11.5 per cent in 2012.

Proponents of the policy reject these arguments, saying big tobacco has spent tens of millions of dollars lobbying against the measure is because it poses such a threat to their profits.

“Right from the beginning, plain packaging was the component of our anti-tobacco policies that the industry screamed the loudest about,” says Nicola Roxon, the former Labor party health minister who steered plain packaging legislation through the Australian parliament.

“It is no surprise that its effectiveness and the fact it is spreading around the world has them so worried.”

Ireland, France and New Zealand are among several countries committed to following Australia and the UK in introducing plain packaging.

Mr Daube says the industry is merely repeating the claims it made in Australia in its campaigns against plain packaging in the UK and elsewhere. “These arguments failed in Australia and they should not be allowed to become zombie arguments — killed off in one country only to be brought back to life in others,” he says.
“Plain packaging is the tobacco industry’s worst nightmare as it takes away their last marketing opportunity.”

Introduction of Tobacco Plain Packaging in Australia

Since 1 December 2012, all tobacco products sold, offered for sale, or otherwise supplied in Australia must be in plain packaging.

 Page last updated: 27 May 2016

Plain packaging is a key part of Australia’s comprehensive package of tobacco control measures, which include:

  • Updated and expanded health warnings : the Competition and Consumer (Tobacco) Information Standard 2011, which commenced on 1 January 2012 and took full effect from 1 December 2012, requires health warnings to cover at least 75 per cent of the front of most tobacco packaging, 90 per cent of the back of cigarette packaging and 75 per cent of the back of most other tobacco product packaging;
  • legislation to restrict internet advertising of tobacco products in Australia, effective from 6 September 2012;
  • record investments in anti-smoking social marketing campaigns;
  • the 25 per cent tobacco excise increase in April 2010;
  • staged increases in excise and excise-equivalent customs duty on tobacco and tobacco-related products: 12.5 per cent increases occurred on 1 December 2013, 1 September 2014 and 1 September 2015. The next staged increase of 12.5 per cent will occur on 1 September 2016;
  • a reduction in duty free concessions for tobacco products; and
  • stronger penalties for tobacco smuggling offences.
The objectives of tobacco plain packaging as set out in the Tobacco Plain Packaging Act 2011 are to improve public health by discouraging people from using tobacco products, encouraging people to give up using tobacco products, discouraging relapse of tobacco use and reducing exposure to tobacco smoke. Tobacco plain packaging contributes to these objectives by regulating the retail packaging and appearance of tobacco products in order to:
  • reduce the appeal of tobacco products to consumers;
  • increase the effectiveness of health warnings; and
  • reduce the ability of the retail packaging of tobacco products to mislead consumers about the harmful effects of smoking or using tobacco products.

Preventative Health Taskforce

Extensive research evidence to June 2009 in support of plain packaging is set out in the reports of the National Preventative Health Taskforce, a group of Australia’s leading public health experts. The reports of the Taskforce and the government response are available at the Preventative Health Taskforce’s website. 

Market Research Reports

In 2011, consumer and market research reports were commissioned on Market Testing of New Health Warnings and Information Messages for Tobacco Product Packaging and Market Research to Determine Effective Plain Packaging of Tobacco Products. The research reports informed the approach to the new graphic health warnings and the design of plain packaging for cigarettes. The reports are available from the Department of Health’s website.

Consultations on the Draft Tobacco Plain Packaging Legislation

Consultation occurred both through formal public consultation processes and through targeted consultation with stakeholders during the development of the Tobacco Plain Packaging Legislation. Details of the formal consultation processes, including consultation papers and submissions to the consultations, are available on the archive of the yourhealth website on the Australian Government Web Archive. 

Tobacco Plain Packaging Legislation

The Tobacco Plain Packaging Act 2011, which received Royal Assent on 1 December 2011, required all tobacco products sold in Australia to be sold in plain packaging from 1 December 2012. The Tobacco Plain Packaging Regulations 2011, applying to cigarettes, were made by the Governor-General in Council on 7 November 2011. The Tobacco Plain Packaging Amendment Regulations 2012, made on 8 March 2012, amended the Tobacco Plain Packaging Regulations 2011 to incorporate additional plain packaging specifications for non-cigarette tobacco products. 

The legislation and regulations are available from the following links:
  • Tobacco Plain Packaging Act 2011
  • Tobacco Plain Packaging Regulations 2011

Requirements for plain packaging of tobacco products

The requirements for plain packaging of tobacco products are set out in the Tobacco Plain Packaging Act 2011 and the Tobacco Plain Packaging Regulations 2011. 

Further information on plain packaging of tobacco products, including how to make a complaint about a potential breach of the legislation and resources for manufacturers/importers/suppliers, is available from the Plain Packaging of Tobacco Products page.

Key Facts and Figures

For key facts and figures on tobacco sales, consumption and prevalence in Australia, visit the Tobacco Control Key Facts and Figures page.

In this section



































The true cost of Australia's refugee policies

Six little-known reasons to change our response to asylum seekers
BY JACOB HUNT   POSTED 13/09/2016
http://www.unicef.org.au/blog/september-2016/the-true-cost-of-australias-refugee-policies

Nauru and Manus Island are just the beginning.

We’ve heard about the child abuse, self-harm and suicide and we’ve seen how a life in limbo drives children to despair. Years of first-hand assessments from Australia’s leading medical bodies have confirmed beyond doubt: prolonged detention is inherently harmful to children, with devastating impacts that can last a lifetime. And we know that, despite the transition to an ‘open centre’ on Nauru, refugee children on the island still face an unacceptable risk of harm.

This should be reason enough to change how Australia responds to people seeking asylum. But the problems run far beyond these two remote islands.

The full human, economic and strategic costs of Australia’s asylum seeker policies have been clouded by successive Governments’ claims to secrecy. 

Now, a major new report from UNICEF Australia and Save the Children lays out the true impacts.

Here are six shocking facts the Government has tried to keep quiet - and six ways to convince your friends we need a new approach.
A young girl crowds with other asylum seekers under a tarp while making the three-day boat journey from Indonesia to Australia in 2013. Soon after this photo was taken, the Australian Navy took the passengers to Christmas Island and eventually on to Papua New Guinea and Nauru. © Joel van Houdt / Hollandse Hoogte


Offshore processing costs $400,000 per-refugee, per-year


Warehousing refugees offshore isn’t just harmful - it’s an absurdly wasteful use of funds that could otherwise be used to protect and support them. For every refugee kept on Nauru and Manus, the Australian Government could support 12 refugees with housing, health care and basic living expenses here in the community. 

We think it’s time to reinvest in a more humane and sustainable solution. If the Government refuses to bring these refugees to Australia, it should publicly commit to resettling them in credible third country as an urgent priority.
 

Ending 'open detention' on Nauru and Manus Island could save $2 billion by 2020 


The bill for chartered flights alone came to $45 million in one year. Add the cost of boat turn-backs and onshore detention and the total bill to Australian taxpayers comes to an astonishing $9.6 billion since 2013. 

These funds could help our region to build something so much better: a more humane system offering protection and support to thousands of refugees.
Asylum seekers signal for help while making their way across the Indian Ocean towards Australia in 2013. © Joel van Houdt / Hollandse Hoogte


The boats haven’t stopped - they've been turned away to other dangers


We absolutely need to protect children from dangerous journeys but turning boats back from Australia doesn’t solve the problem. A truly humanitarian response would not abandon asylum seekers to extreme weather, piracy and kidnapping beyond our waters. It would not return children to face serious harm and persecution in the countries from which they’ve fled. 

We’re urging the government to replace turn-backs with search and rescue. Australia can work together with our neighbours to protect asylum seekers on land and sea and help them to arrive safely at agreed points of protection throughout the region.
 

‘Deterrence’ approach has abandoned refugees to their fate 


Australia is sending a blunt message to people fleeing persecution: “Stay where you are.”

On the surface, this policy of deterrence seems to have been effective in reducing the number of asylum seekers who attempt to reach Australia by boat. But it hasn’t reduced the number of asylum seekers in our region who need help.

From 2012 to 2015, the number of asylum seekers and refugees in Indonesia, Malaysia and Thailand rose by 36%. In the same period, Australia decreased the number of refugees it resettled by 30%. 

The Government didn’t just deter asylum seekers from coming to Australia; by failing to offer alternative pathways, it abandoned them to countries which cannot offer protection or fulfil their human rights to a dignified existence. For children, that can be a life without shelter, school or health care. 

So when the Government tells asylum seekers “don’t come” without offering any other options, it’s also telling them: “Wait indefinitely. Endure countless dangers, indignities and lives in limbo”. 

It’s time to turn away from a short-sighted focus on deterrence and to engage cooperatively with the real challenge at hand. That means investing in a real solution for our region and lifting our humanitarian intake of refugees to reflect our true capacity and generosity as a nation. 
Closing borders in response to the global refugee crisis is having dire consequences for children. This young child was stranded at the border of Greece and the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia after the Government restricted the flow of refugees and migrants. © UNICEF/UN03112/Gilbertson VII Photo


This could be Australia's most dangerous export


Australia’s approach to asylum seekers sets a dangerous precedent for the world.

As Europe grapples with the complexity of the refugee crisis, it's concerning that Australia may seek to promote its policies of deterrence. Many European countries have recently closed their borders to asylum seekers, while some have introduced mandatory immigration detention.

Most alarmingly, a delegation of Danish politicians recently planned to visit Nauru to assess whether Australia's framework could be applied in Denmark. (Ultimately, the trip was cancelled after the Government of Nauru refused to grant visas to members of the group who had publicly criticised Australia’s offshore processing arrangements.)

Australia’s approach, if adopted on a global scale, would certainly mean the end of the notion of refugee protection. 

If replicated elsewhere, it will result in growing tides of men, women and children pushed up against closed borders. It will create a future in which people simply do not flee persecution at all - in which they remain where they are to suffer whatever fate may befall them in countries not willing or able to protect them.

We believe Australia can be a more compassionate and constructive global player.


These policies are undermining Australia's global standing and influence


There is little doubt that Australia’s asylum seeker policies have damaged Australia’s reputation as a rights-respecting country. 

During the UN Human Rights Council's recent review of Australia's record, other states made no fewer than 60 recommendations to reform our harsh treatment of people seeking asylum. Meanwhile, UN bodies and experts like the Special Rapporteur on torture have been highly critical of Australia's treatment of refugee children.

So how will our international peers judge Australia’s bid for a seat on the UN Human Rights Council?

If Australia does secure a seat, will we be taken seriously as a strong and credible advocate for the full spectrum of human rights? Will we be able to "wage a tireless campaign to end the death penalty around the world" as the Government hopes? Can we hold other countries to account while simultaneously flouting human rights in our own backyard?

Meanwhile, it's often observed that Australia is one of the few countries in our region that is signatory to the Refugee Convention and willing to offer voluntary resettlement - a factor which is seen as a barrier to more regional cooperation. Yet, Australia is thwarting its own long-term objectives by undermining the international regime. Instead, we should be promoting respect for refugee rights and the importance of more countries in the region becoming party to the Refugee Convention. 


There is a better way


After years of successive Australian Governments failing to meet the challenges of asylum seeker policy, it's time for a new way forward.

UNICEF Australia and Save the Chilren are proposing a suite of measures to resolve the plight of refugees on Nauru and Manus Island and build a new regional solution that offers true protection for children, families and other people fleeing persecution.

As the Prime Minister prepares to join leaders at the UN Summitt on Refugees, he has the chance to embrace a more humane approach and show the world our true generosity as a nation.

Want to learn more?
 
  • Read our next blog: 9 steps to a more humane and effective refugee policy
  • Download our full report: At What Cost? The Human, Economic and Strategic Cost of Australia’s Asylum Seeker Policies and the Alternatives 
  • We can resettle refugees in Australia and it's not just wishful thinking. This is how

    With some simple policy changes we could find a humane way forward, we could stop offshore detention and families would not be separated

  • There are many sides to the refugee debate in Australia, but an overarching question is this: how can we create a more sustainable and humane policy that accords with international law?

    I was challenged to identify a single intervention that could have this effect. It seemed a formidable task, but the answer is quite simple if we go back to first principles.

    We could insert a legislative requirement that Australian law must be interpreted in good faith, in accordance with our responsibilities under international refugee law and international human rights law.

    In most democratic countries, no one would blink at such a proposal. It simply reflects basic rules of international law. It’s sobering that in Australia, a provision like this would be seen as radical.

    Australia is the only country whose law explicitly says it is “irrelevant” whether or not our non-refoulement obligations are engaged when removing an asylum seeker. Indeed, under the Migration Act, an official’s duty to remove such a person “arises irrespective of whether there has been an assessment, according to law, of Australia’s non-refoulement obligations in respect of the non-citizen.”

    The principle of non-refoulement is the cornerstone of the international refugee regime. If there is one thing on which all states agree – even those that are not parties to the Refugee Convention – it is that this principle is sacrosanct. It prohibits the return of people to places where they risk being persecuted, tortured, subjected to cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment, or arbitrarily deprived of life.

    This September, the principle will be reaffirmed unreservedly in the political declaration that world leaders will adopt at the UN secretary general’s summit on refugees in New York.

    To my knowledge, Australia is also the only country to have deleted all references to the refugee convention from its domestic law. Instead, it has replaced them with a “self-contained statutory framework” setting out Australia’s own interpretation of its protection obligations under the refugee convention. International law makes clear that states do not have the right to auto-interpret their treaty obligations.

    Basic rules of treaty interpretation state that a treaty must be interpreted in good faith, and in accordance with the ordinary meaning to be given to its terms in their context, and in the light of the treaty’s object and purpose. Furthermore, asserting that a treaty obligation is inconsistent with domestic law provides no justification for breaching it.

    If Australia did insert a legislative provision requiring a principled, good faith interpretation in accordance with international refugee law and international human rights law, our approach to asylum would necessarily change.

    For a start, it would flip our focus towards the responsibility to provide protection, as part of a global cooperative effort, rather than deflecting those in need. It would mean that people seeking asylum would live among us in the Australian community, not in closed mandatory detention.

    Offshore processing could not continue, and families would not be separated. Children’s best interests would be a primary consideration in every decision affecting them. Refugees would be welcomed into Australian society quickly, resulting in greater cultural, economic and social benefits over time. People would not be pushed back at sea without the opportunity to have their protection claim thoroughly examined and reviewed.

    Principled, effective and transparent refugee status determination in Australia would be reinstated, with well-trained decision-makers, access to legal assistance, and robust independent merits and judicial review.

    All this might sound like wishful thinking in today’s political climate. But each element reflects a feasible past practice in Australian asylum policy.

    By learning from history and effective practices, we could model “protection in action”. In turn, we could help to grow the capacity for protection and assistance within our region. We would regain our international reputation as a welcoming country that respects human rights and the rule of law … and we would also save a lot of money.

    The drafters of the refugee convention – including Australia’s representative – were well aware that refugee protection was not a way to short-circuit migration controls. In fact, the refugee regime requires the most stringent checks of all. But what they also recognised was that never again should the world bear witness to millions of people fleeing for safety and being turned away.

    Refugees and other vulnerable migrants embark on dangerous land and sea journeys because there are no safe alternatives. Governments could rectify this situation, and save lives, with some simple policy changes – for instance, by creating humanitarian visas allowing travel to places of safety, by increasing resettlement, or by abolishing carrier sanctions that impose hefty fees on airlines that transport people without visas.

    Acknowledging that forced migration will continue for as long as war, persecution and human rights violations continue, it is imperative that we adopt a policy that does the least damage to people who have been forced to leave their homes.

    Our current approaches are not sustainable, fiscally responsible or protection-sensitive. We must develop and promote durable, legal and humane solutions for people in need of protection. A new Australian approach should not be considered a sign of weakness or a policy backflip, but rather a considered response to the legal and moral imperative to take a leading role in an area of acute global need.

    Professor Jane McAdam, director of the Kaldor Centre for International Refugee Law at UNSW, was one of the speakers at Can we solve the asylum crisis?, a Guardian workshop, supported by Maurice Blackburn Lawyers, at the Festival of Dangerous Ideas in Sydney

    Australia's response to the Syrian and Iraqi humanitarian crisis

    On this page

    Australia's contribution

    On 9 September 2015, the Australian Government announced that it will make an extra 12,000 humanitarian places available in response to the conflicts in Syria and Iraq. The 12,000 people resettled in Australia as part of this intake will be granted a permanent visa.

    These 12,000 places are in addition to Australia’s Humanitarian Programme, which totalled 13,750 places for the 2015-16 financial year, and which will increase to 18,750 places in the 2018-19 financial year. Australia’s Humanitarian Programme includes places for people in priority resettlement situations around the world, including people displaced by conflicts in Syria and Iraq.

    The additional 12,000 humanitarian places are just one element of Australia’s overall response to the humanitarian crisis. Australia has contributed more than $213 million in humanitarian assistance in response to the Syria crisis since 2011, and an additional $220 million will be provided over three years, commencing in the 2016-17 financial year. Australia’s humanitarian assistance in response to the Iraq crisis is $45 million since June 2014.

    Monthly update

    Between 1 July 2015 and 4 November 2016, 15, 805 visas have been granted to people displaced by conflict in Syria and Iraq:

    • 9513 towards the additional 12,000 places (November 2015 to 4 November 2016)
    • 1442 under the 2016–17 Humanitarian Programme to date
    • 4850 under the 2015–16 Humanitarian Programme

    In this time, 11, 854 people have arrived in Australia:

    • 6507 as part of the additional 12,000 places (November 2015 to 4 November 2016)
    • 2145* arrivals in 2016–17 to date under the annual humanitarian programme
    • 3202*^ arrivals in 2015–16 under the annual humanitarian programme

    Notes:

    * arrivals early in a programme year may have been granted a visa in the preceding programme year.
    ^ there is a slight variation in the 2015-16 programme year arrival figures due to a time lag between the transfer of arrival data from DIBP to DSS systems.

    As at 4 November 2016, a further 5888 people have been interviewed and assessed as meeting threshold requirements for a visa, and are awaiting the outcomes of health, character and/or security checks. 

    2015-16 outcomes

    During the 2015-16 financial year, a total of 8640 Humanitarian visas were granted to people displaced by conflicts in Syria and Iraq.

    Of these Humanitarian visa grants:

    • 4850 were granted from the offshore component of Australia’s 2015-16 Humanitarian Programme (which comprised 13,750 places in total)
    • 3790 were granted from the additional 12,000 humanitarian places.

    More detailed statistics on the 2015-16 Humanitarian Programme can be found on the Humanitarian Programme statistics webpage.

    Timeframes for processing and resettlement

    The coordinated efforts of Australian Government agencies and international partners have led to a steady flow of visa grants to Syrians and Iraqis from Australia’s annual Humanitarian Programme and the additional 12,000 humanitarian places. As a result, the number of Syrian and Iraqi humanitarian entrants arriving in Australia has also increased.

    Most applications take a number of months to process. It is not possible to be more precise than this because processing time varies according to the circumstances of individual applicants.

    People who are granted a visa through the offshore Humanitarian Programme generally take some time to settle their affairs in their country of first asylum before travelling to Australia.

    Visa processing stages and checks

    Applicants must pass a series of processing stages and checks, including health, character and security checks, before being granted a visa and resettling in Australia.

    The Australian Government takes our national security extremely seriously. The Department has been clear from the outset that security and character checks of people who apply to come to Australia as part of this intake will not be compromised. Rigorous security checks are conducted in consultation with relevant Australian agencies and international partners. Security checks are supplemented by an interview with Australian departmental officers where claims for resettlement and identity are assessed.

    Settlement in Australia

    The Department of Social Services (DSS) is responsible for providing settlement support and assistance to people who come to Australia under the offshore Humanitarian Programme. The DSS website has information about what people in the Australian community can to do assist.

    People resettled under this programme will be eligible to access the same benefits and support provided to other people arriving under Australia's offshore Humanitarian Programme. These include Medicare, income support payments, English language tuition, torture and trauma counselling and settlement services.

    Eligibility and prioritisation

    Priority for 12,000 Humanitarian Programme places will be given to people displaced by the conflict in Syria and Iraq who are:

    • assessed as being most vulnerable – persecuted minorities, women, children and families with the least prospect of ever returning safely to their homes
    • located in Lebanon, Jordan and Turkey.

    All applications are assessed on an individual basis – in line with Australia’s existing refugee and humanitarian policies. The Humanitarian Programme intake includes people from a broad range of religious and ethnic backgrounds. A person’s religion or ethnicity can be relevant to the nature of their individual claims.

    Every year, many more people apply to be resettled under Australia's Humanitarian Programme than Australia can accept. The limited number of places available and the high demand for these places means that not everyone can be accepted.

    Visa processing streams

    Refugee visa stream

    Many of those displaced by the conflicts in Syria and Iraq are registered with the UNHCR and are in Jordan, Lebanon and Turkey. We are working closely with the UNHCR to identify refugees in these countries who are the most vulnerable and in greatest need of resettlement.

    Global Special Humanitarian Programme stream

    Australian citizens or permanent residents over the age of 18, eligible New Zealand citizens and organisations operating in Australia are able to propose persons for resettlement under the Special Humanitarian Programme (SHP).

    Priority for the limited places available under the SHP is generally given to applicants proposed by close family members.

    People eligible for resettlement under the SHP can be registered with the UNHCR, but it is not a requirement.

    The limited number of SHP places available and the high demand for these places means that not everyone can be accepted.

    People who have already applied for a Global Special Humanitarian visa (subclass 202) will continue to be considered and do not need to do anything more.

    There is no need for SHP applicants or proposers to contact us unless:

    • we ask them to provide further information or attend an interview
    • they need to tell us about a change in their circumstances.

    Applicants and proposers who need to advise us of a change to their contact details can send an email to victoria.ohpc@border.gov.au.

    People who previously lodged an application for a Global Special Humanitarian visa under the SHP that was refused will need to apply again if they want to be considered.

    People who will not be considered

    The additional 12,000 humanitarian places will not be offered to people in Australia or regional processing countries who travelled to Australia illegally by boat.

    The policy of Operation Sovereign Borders has not changed.

    People who are citizens of, or have a right of residence in, a country where it is safe for them to live, will not be considered for one of these humanitarian places.

    People who are still in Syria and Iraq

    Priority is being given to those displaced by the conflicts in Syria and Iraq and temporarily located in Lebanon, Jordan and Turkey.

    Our capacity to consider people who are currently living in Syria and Iraq is very limited due to security concerns and the destruction of infrastructure.


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